Rene Ballinger
Baldwin Hills is an area of west Los Angeles that is always changing. From its early beginnings through the present it has a colorful history which documents these changing events. And its future is based upon the changing attitudes of its residents and business owners. These changing attitudes are monitors that should be used as a tool to control the speed of change. Without this monitoring tool, the community will lose its ability to empower necessary changes and dismiss unnecessary ones. Baldwin Hills is a great community, and its power and strength should be with its people.
The above points will be discussed in chronological order. The defined boundaries are past and present events that are the changes which should be analyzed and monitored. The future is unknown and only careful speculation can be made about it. First, consider the time of the Spaniards to the recent business development of the Baldwin Hills Plaza which is from the late 1880s to 1996. Great significance will be given to E. J. "Lucky" Baldwin, who after Spanish occupation, bought this property. He first considered it a worthless piece of property, but by the time of his death realized he had bought a gold mine. His daughter and heir to his estate, Anita Baldwin-Stocker, was the person to actually turn this property into cash. She had unique problems of her own for selling these parcels, and an analysis will be given in the text of the project. The Prudential Land Holding Company is the next proprietor. They are responsible for the actual development of housing in this area, and the starting point of the business community. In the analysis of this milestone, the economic and racial standing of this area will be discussed. The business effects of the area became paramount to the development of this community and how monitoring was biased.
The second point relates to the present business development of the Crenshaw Baldwin Hills Plaza, overlapping from the early 1990s to 1997. It is still a major infl "uence as to where people shop and what they could buy. Case in point is the Macy's Department Store. Many residents are concerned over the interests Macy's has to continue at the Plaza. Some Broadway and Bullock's Department Stores that were bought by the Federated Group, Inc. that owns Macy's Department Store have been closed. The Plaza needs this large department store to keep its doors open and serve the public. Also, the Magic Johnson's Theaters, located on the north side of the Plaza's parking lot, have decided to expand across the street. However, the Magic Johnson Development Company (MJDC) has sparked anger within the community regarding his purchase of the Santa Barbara Plaza. The small established business community feels shut out by larger businesses being courted by the MJDC. However, in joint cooperation with the Community Redevelopment Agency (CRA), MJDC has caused tension regarding who will participate in the new Plaza. A CRA Review Meeting held on February 6, 1997 engendered a lot of resentment for MJDC's domineering presence. This is a spot for monitoring within the community. But from lack of attendance, there is not much chance for the small businesses to defeat the MJDC and the CRA.
An overview and analysis of the social services provided within Baldwin Hills will consider the Community Redevelopment Center (CRC), the Urban League, and the Baldwin Hills Chamber of Commerce. All of these agencies are receptive to the communities needs. They are striving to help those in need and are always see king donations to support their cause, (i.e., the larger issues are being neglected). The CRC, which is similar to the CRA , helps to start small business loans made available from the state. The effects of success for this community have not yet matured enough to allow a concrete analysis. However, the CRC's intentions may be good, but small businesses are being gobbled up by big businesses. The Urban League is striving to help a lot of people empower themselves. They have a strong donation campaign, but like the Chamber of Commerce they need more community involvement to handle the bigger issues.
The future, the third point discusses the development of monitoring as a tool. It was an evolutionary process that was initially u sed as racial bias between Euro-Americans and minorities. Today, minorities can voice their opinions. Some ethnic groups, like Latinos, are more progressive than others to use this tool. However, Afro-Americans have internal problems of their own which mask the bigger picture of issues in their communities. Their opportunities to see a signal for monitoring and use it to make a change is sometimes missed.
Some subject matter has been omitted from the text, such as churches, schools, politics, and housing. Housing is touched upon in a small way, but there is more that could be discussed in another project. There are two reasons for the omissions. First, an analysis of the above subjects are exterior and move around the core. They were created to serve the community. Second, the residents and business community are the core and give existence to the above exterior subjects. The core is integrated into the historical thesis of the project and is a sizable topic on its own. Therefore, this is the main focus. The exterior subjects were omitted to give light and strength to the core.
RANCHO LA CIENEGA O PASO DE LA TIJERA
At the outset of this project, the early history was a major interest. Virginia French's book, Rancho La Cienega o Paso de la Tijera, is a compilation of historical background on Baldwin Hills, and she states the original physical boundaries as "southwest of the Pueblo of Los Angeles and comprising an area reaching from what is now Exposition Boulevard to Slauson Avenue and from La Cienega Boule vard east to First Avenue, then a jog back to Fourth Avenue, midway between Slauson and Exposition Avenues (1)."
The condition of the land was described as "marshy meadows." Translated into Spanish, "marshy meadows" means "cienaga." The hillsides were "rolling and fertile." This made the hills suitable for fowl hunting. Many small springs existed here which created a suitable fowl habitat, like what is found at the Kenneth Hahn Regional Park (Paso 1).
Mrs. French described how the land was given as a land grant from the King of Spain to Vincente Sanchez for his military valor. Upon certain occasions his home was used for government meetings. However, one of his descendants lost the land because he cosigned a loan for a friend who defaulted. Whoever this person was to the family is unknown. Due to poor business judgment and using the property as collateral, the Sanchez family finally lost everything. It was through a sheriff's estate sale that E. J. "Lucky" Baldwin, of San Francisco, bought this land (Paso 1) .
Initially he felt this land was worthless. He felt it was unfit for sheep, and it could not sustain orange groves because it was so marshy. That is why he turned it into a cattle ranch. But it seems that this type of business caused him a lot of grief. The Pueblo of Los Angeles had become a city in 1835. It began to expand towards Baldwin's estate and wanted to incorporate the ranch into the new City of Los Angeles limits by 1875. As a ploy to weaken Baldwin's hold on the ranch, the Los Angeles Times newspaper ran articles questioning Baldwin's farming operation. Otis Chandler accused Baldwin of being "unkind to animals." The article stated that "his cattle was short of feed" and that "E.J. Baldwin was starving dumb beasts." In truth Baldwin did not run his ranch, and it is debatable who really did manage the ranch. It could have been his son, Charles Baldwin, or his nephew, Ed Baldwin. The facts were never made clear. Also, the cattle were never branded, but his horses and mules had hoof brands. Baldwin felt it was cruel to brand an animal and used this to support his case of kindness to animals. However, he did have a legal brand for the ranch which was "a Maltese cross bearing his initials." Despite his defense Baldwin lost the case. French stated in her book that, "the similarity of names was sufficient excuse for error" (Paso 1).
The meaning of the court's ruling is not clear. One, they could have been unsure who was running the ranch; therefore, Baldwin could be charged with neglect. Secondly, the starved cattle, unbranded, could have ventured outside of the ranch se ~eking food, but that is unlikely. Thirdly, the judgment could have been a part of a conspiracy to open the ranch for Los Angeles' expansion project. This is more logical, because the ranch began to lose its footing. Upon Baldwin's death in 1909, his daughter, Anita Baldwin-Stocker, began to parcel out the land for different purposes. The quiet cattle ranching days were over and Los Angeles' expansion project began.
At his death, Baldwin had changed his idea that the Rancho La Cienega ranch was a "white elephant" (Paso 1). At that time he did not know that oil existed beneath the land. He only knew that due to Los Angeles' need to expand the land would be worth a lot of money. But the question is, if this is so, why did he buy this property? He had bought other large plots of land in California and did nothing with them except to raise cattle. One ranch was the Santa Ani ta in Arcadia (Paso 72). The race track is named after his daughter and an avenue is named after Baldwin. The other is Rancho La Merced (Paso 72). The location is not certain nor is there any historical information about it. But the issue still remains as to why he would want all of this land and allow it to sit considering it worthless until his death. He was not involved in the banking profession or railroads, like J. P. Morgan or Andrew Carnegie. He did, however, venture into coal mining but sold those interests (Boyle 156). A better theory would be for power. He probably felt that he could have a strong voice, politically and economically, within Los Angeles' society. His land was a source of wealth to cushion him from the common aspects of Los Angeles' masses. Also, there is Darwin's idea of "Origin of Species" (Moss 1). Baldwin could have believed that he was ordained by God to be rich because he was able to adapt to a "laissez-faire" economy (i.e., the "few" are the rich and the "most" are the poor). In this type of economy, there is a small amount of government intervention, and the poor are responsible for their own fate. Money and power are the standards for the rich, and they can set their own individual price and win through "cutthroat" tactics against each other. Monitoring on any level did not occur during this time of American history. The wealthy were allowed to do as they pleased. Deregulation was encouraged by all levels of government. The small businesses and the consumers were victims (Moss 2,5-6). Baldwin was influenced by this ideal. He accumulated land to give himself a power base in local government. However, when the new City of Los Angeles started to grow and touch his ranch boundaries, it wanted Baldwin's immense property to accommodate rapid expansion.
The Daughter Not the Son
It is not clear why Baldwin willed his property to his daughter in 1909 (French 69). In most societies, the sons inherit their father's estate. However, Baldwin's son did not. Perhaps Baldwin was angry with his son possibly for mismanaging his Rancho La Cienega and losing the lawsuit against Otis Chandler. But the truth is that Anita Baldwin-Stocker managed her father's estate well and made millions for her family (69).
She realized that there was oil on the estate, and, by 1916, drilling had begun. Drilling techniques and testing started to advance for better results. Standard Oil was a main player along with a few obsolete companies jockeying for the largest deposits. In the end, by 1968, after Anita Baldwin-Stocker had already sold large parcels for residential living over five million barrels of oil were pumped from beneath Rancho La Cienega (72-73).
tBy 1909, the Angeles Mesa Land Company bought and developed parcels from Fourth Avenue to Fifty-second Street. They developed small homes, shopping centers, and small businesses. By 1922, sales totaled one million dollars for these large parcels (71-72). Anita Baldwin-Stocker died in 1939. Executors of the estate had estimated that the value had increased to almost three million in 1947. The land could yield up to six million with proper managing (69). All that Baldwin purchased and accumulated had increased in profits.
The Homogeneous Zone
The last existing parcels of the Rancho La Cienega was purchased by the Prudential Land Holding Company from the estate of Anita Baldwin-Stocker in 1946. The zoning ordinance was quickly changed to develop a middle class residential community (83). The boundaries have been str *eamlined to balance the small community. It appears that the western boundaries went to La Cienega Boulevard, east to Crenshaw Boulevard, north to Jefferson Boulevard, and south to Slauson Avenue.
The demographic make up was supported by middle class Euro-Americans (i.e., the race of people known as Caucasian) families, who sought out a new segregated neighborhood to shield themselves from the so-called common aspects of Los Angeles' masses. The original urban planning for Los Angeles was a failure, as it was in most urban cities in the United States. The rapid expansion within the city limits was not keeping up with the growing population. There were "poor water supplies, sewage, garbage disposal, police, and fire protection." The substandard housing that existed promoted poor communities, wh ich in turn created a breeding ground for vice, crime, and disease. Gradually improvements began to be done to help the city's state of blight, like paved streets and better transportation (Moss 11). Unfortunately, polar shifts were developing based upon income/economics classes and ethnic/racial divisions. These shifts were the reason for creating this hillside community. It was meant to separate the Euro-American middle class from the lower class Los Angelenos of any other race.
Monitoring tools at this time were used as a means of segregation by Euro-Americans to uphold their property values. People of other races had no defense to counteract. This type of opportunity did not take place until the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960's. Mike Davis's book City of Quartz describes the deed laws or restrictive covenant laws that excluded people of other races from moving into certain neighborhoods. Each home's deed had a clause to restrict the selling of the property to a family of color. They felt that their neighbors should not be infected with other races which were supposed to reduce property values. Euro-Americans wanted to live in a homogeneous environment. It was a racist ploy not to integrate and live and rub elbows with other ethnic groups. This was supported by the judicial system in the State of California. Afro-Americans, for example, lived in a small area or ghetto in South Central Los Angeles. Available housing in these areas was limited, because the population was larger than constructed housing. Opportunities to move out of the area and buy housing was risky, because of the covenant laws. Ku Klux Klan activity, such as cross burnin gs and abusive badgering were tactics used to discourage integration. It was not until a court case, originating in South Central, went to the Supreme Court did a change come about. Harassment continued despite the ruling (161-4).
A subtitle in French's book, "People," makes reference to the integration of minorities that began to reside in Baldwin Hills around 1950. Asians and Afro-Americans were the main targeted groups. Asians were referred to as "coolies" in French's book. Their job function mainly entailed gardening, and they were segregated from living in this area; however, their American born offspring resided in the lower section of Baldwin Hills and developed their own shopping center. The actual street boundaries are "Exposition to Santa Barbara, on both sides of Crenshaw Boulevard" (91). There is cause to reason that because of their ethnicity many homeowners on the hill would not sell to them. If they wanted to purchase homes in this area, they would have to do it in another section of the community. This is internal segregation or the exclusion of people due to race, income,religion, or a combination of all three. This, also, applies to the Afro-American community, who will become the dominant ethnic group by 1970.
The Afro-Americans were called Colored or Negro, in the 1950s. Their job function mainly placed them as maids, butlers, and chauffeurs. They, ironically, used these positions to inquire about properties for sale in this area. Segregation had crumbled, and they were seeking better housing and neighborhoods to live in and raise their families. That is why Afro-Americans carried over their job positions into their everyday world to seek home ownership. Some were purely impostors posing as a maid, butler, or chauffeur inquiring into the sale of property for a Euro-American employer. The Euro-American employer, usually a friend wishing to help, would buy the property and then quick deed the property to the Afro-Am erican family. This is how integration began for Afro-American families in Baldwin Hills.
This information came from my neighbor, Mrs. Kimble. She further stated that after living for a couple of years in Leimert Park, a section east of Crenshaw Boulevard and north of Vernon Avenue, she and her husband wanted a larger home. View Park was their first choice, but they did not find a house that they both could agree upon. On Santa Barbara Avenue, which is now Martin Luther King, Jr. Boulevard, they chose a realtor by the name of Tribles. This realtor was the first to show Baldwin Hills homes to Afro-Americans. Others would not. She remembers at one home on Don Felipe Drive, the owner slammed the door in their faces. But, they kept looking and eventually bought a home on Don Tonito Drive. She also recalled an incident before moving into this community that a cross burning occurred on the lawn of a new Afro-American family, composed of two sisters. Whether they moved or not she is not certain.
But all of these events and the one narrative by Mrs. Kimble depict the division and the tension within the Euro-American residents regarding the integration of minorities. It is evident that not all of the Euro-Americans agreed with the 1950 President of the Chamber of Commerce, Emery Petty. Quoting him from French's book, "I feel the Crenshaw area can offset the trend of separation of the peoples. My motto is: People can live together, work together and profit together." This statement was made to follow the example of other large cities in the United States, but it fell short in practice (91). The Asian-Americans were not allowed to reside next door to Euro-Americans, but the Afro-Americans were allowed to break through based upon color, religion, and language familiarity. Asian-Americans were considered "heathens," as described in Tomas Almaguer's book, Fault Lines. The "chinee" and "coolie" were severely segregated due to their different appearance, religion, clo thing, and food, all in the name of Christianity (6). This is what Christianity is for masses of people. They believe in excluding racial groups from themselves, the so-called made in God's own image and likeness. This is not a religion; it is a rationalization for Euro-Americans to exclude other racial groups. It is racism in the name of God (?).
To take this a step further, Afro-Americans and other groups of people have internal segregation. This is based upon a lot of reasons, economics, skin tone, and education. Baldwin Hills, the community itself and as a part of South Central, is a perfect example of a group of people that segregated internally.
Today this neighborhood is predominately Afro-American. Two distinctions can be made of the people who live here, economic and geographical. The upper middle class families reside within the interior and the perimeter, for example, Do ~n Tomaso Drive by Stocker Avenue and Hillcrest Avenue by Don Jose, are inhabited by lower middle class families. Until the 1970s, these apartment complexes housed many single people, college students, and small families. It was considered high rent apartment living. By the 1992 riot, these apartments had turned into Section Eight structures riddled with drug trafficking. Of course, this changed the feeling of security within the hill. All of the homes have security apparati and central monitoring for safety. It was only through the efforts of the homeowners that a lot of the drug trafficking has ceased, and these apartments are now being renovated. But even still this area was considered affluent just by the ability to control its environment through money and power. This separates Baldwin Hills from its poor neighbors, Watts and Compton. Clean and clear, this is an exam ple of internal segregation, because affluent Baldwin Hills residents will take care of themselves. In an essay by Michael Omi and Howard Winant, "class structure can create fine lines of internal segregation." For example, they stated that middle class Latinos in Silver Lake are better cushioned from outside influences, like the 1992 riots, than their poorer counterparts in Pico Union. This is a neighborhood that includes "Central Americans and undocumented workers." They go on further to say that Baldwin Hills residents are "not powerless or desperate;" their money and power can protect them, unlike their Compton counterparts (101).
How can minority groups monitor themselves? There is a need to do it. Wealthy Mexicans or Spaniards living in California and Mexico before annexation, for example, did not berate their poorer counterparts. They believed that they would revolt. It was not unti $l the recent Salinas Administration came into power in Mexico that this ideology changed. This was only because the so-called trickle down theory effected larger groups of people. The lower class became middle class, for example, and flaunting wealth and the effects of doing so were no longer an issue ( ?).
Afro-Americans could have dismissed this sense of humbleness towards one another after integration occurred. It is a monitoring tool. When they were excluded and all in the same circumstances, humility and tolerance existed for the improvement of the race, especially for it to be conveyed to Euro-Americans. Social groups and church organizations helped to make sure that whoever was in need was provided with the materials or emotional support to pass a crisis. Integration helped i 3n many ways to open doors that needed to be kicked open years before; however, the advancement of Colored people into Afro-Americans did not carry with it its better qualities, humility and tolerance.
A Community For Sale
Many businesses flourished at the beginning of this community. The Crenshaw Center was the first open air mall in the United States. It was built, in 1948, upon the Sunset Field Golf Course. In French's book the Chandlers were part owner of this center. This was land that was once a part of the Baldwin ranch. The main intent of the mall was to attract families into the area. Large department stores such as May Company and Broadway were strategically placed "on a fifty-four acre site near the easterly slope of Baldwin Hills" at th =e intersection of, then, Santa Barbara Avenue (now Martin Luther King, Jr. Boulevard) and Crenshaw Boulevard. There was and still is an overhead breezeway connecting the two stores above Martin Luther King Boulevard for pedestrian traffic (85).
In the 1980s the shopping center was showing signs of deterioration and a redevelopment project was set up and funded to give it a major face-lift. Some of the deterioration is described as follows: 1) the individual shops were too small and irregularly shaped; 2) buildings were in need of a face-lift and others were vacant; 3) the appearance of "economic and physical decline with accompanying deterioration;" 4) crime increased in the shopping center; 5) the circulation system was outdated. The plan to face-lift the shopping center included "major construction of new reta il and commercial space and amenities," plus the Broadway and May Department Stores were to renovate also. All of this was completed in November of 1988, and it was renamed the Baldwin Hills Crenshaw Plaza (Amended Crenshaw Redevelopment Project 1). (ACRP)
The Crenshaw Plaza was revitalized as a bigger and better regional shopping center. It would contain "Twenty-three interconnected buildings and ten free standing structures that would equal 860,000 gross square feet. Established stores were relocated, except for the two major department stores. However, the third largest store, which is Sears, was built on the site. Updated security was given by incorporating a substation of the Los Angeles Police Department in the southeast corner of the Plaza. The perimeter security is a security fence and a twenty-four hour security system. The Plaza is an enclosed two story structure with three major department stores. The breeze way is now enclosed to accommodate new retail stores. There are also thirteen free standing structures separate from the Plaza and located upon the redesigned parking lot (3).
Today, the most influential business is the Magic Johnson Theaters. It is located on Martin Luther King Boulevard close to the Plaza. The redevelopment agency assisted Magic Johnson in the development of his twelve-plex movie theater. A sum of over $22,600 was used by the redevelopment center to assist in the monitoring of the construction of the movie theater and the two story parking lot; however, these two structures were privately financed. The theater was needed to encourage retail business in the Plaza, and the community desperately needed a first run movie theater (6-7). The name of Magic Johnson was used as a "ripple effect" to stimulate business, "not only in the Plaza, but to the Crenshaw community," also. This theater project is valued at $11 million. It was built in collaboration with Sony Pictures Entertainment. The ~ special features of the Theaters include the following: All of the movies are first run shown upon large screens with Sony dynamic digital sound. The seats recline with cup holders. The snack bar is large. The tickets range from four dollars for kids and seniors, and the adult ticket is seven dollars. The primary concern is quick and courteous service. The parking is free. (Braxton F1).
There was a lot of concern over whether the theater would manifest the needed results to uplift the community's business economy. The Plaza was not gaining in profits after its 1988 opening. In a Los Angeles Times article written by Greg Braxton, "The Crenshaw Plaza was the first United States mall built in a predominantly Afro-American community." There were high expectations to prove that a mall in an Afro-American community could succeed just like other malls in other areas, and just like the Crenshaw Plaza did in its early years when the community was dominated by Euro-Americans. However, due to the riots, smaller businesses were reluctant to open new businesses, even though the Plaza was untouched by the riots. Adjacent businesses were mostly Korean owned, and they were burned. This negative image was hard to overcome. Bill Price, who is the Project Manager for the Crenshaw Redevelopment Project stated, "We need something to get us over the hump." The Magic Johnson Movie Theater was the key to draw retailers to open new businesses in the Plaza. It would provide the needed foot traffic for the Plaza and vice versa, the Plaza customers are needed for the theaters (Braxton F1).
Four months after its opening, the theater's ticket sales were "pushed into the top ranks of theaters across the country." According to Sony theater's executive, Mark Pascucci, the theaters were ranked among "one of 150 theater chain's top ten earners." Entertainment Data Incorporated stated that on ' October 10 and 17, 1995, out of 21 screens sampled throughout the nation, the Magic Johnson Theaters ranked second in revenue. This was accomplished by the showing of two Afro-American subject matter films: Dead Presidents and Devil with a Blue Dress. Both have an Afro-American appeal. John Bryant of Operation Hope, a home loan program in South Central, is quoted as saying, "25% of movie theater ticket sales nationwide are Afro-Americans." The support given to the theaters by the community did come to pass along with the needed "ripple effect" to the Plaza (Cardenas D1). However, in the Comment section of the Los Angeles Times, an article written by Sociologist and published author, Earl O. Hutchinson, stated that he was thankful for Magic's participation in revitalizing the Plaza, but Magic was "admonishing" the community for past events. In an opening speech to dedicate and thank well wishers, Magic said in a tearful voice, "take care of the theater." This sentiment was repeated several times which disturbed Hutchinson. Even after the opening, Magic was reported as saying, again, to the community, "to take pride in the theater and not create any disturbances." Hutchinson believes that Magic believes that Afro-Americans pose a security threat to the community, and it sustains negative stereotypes, like the media stereotypes of gang members looting during the riots. Hutchinson "applauds" Magic for his efforts but underneath it all he could destroy everything by treating prospective movie goers as prospective vandals (Hutchinson B7). This was a great tool of monitoring. It should happen more often. Hutchinson as a private citizen, used the media in a positive way to cite and correct a wrong. The community should applaud him for his insight.
The existing merchants in the Plaza reported "sales increases of 5% to 25% since the opening of the theaters. Five new retailers opened shortly after the theater opened. Amir Fazal, proprietor of the Perfume Gallery, stated that "Movie goers drift into the mall to look at merchandise and make purchases." Lisa Stewart, Manager of the Warehouse, stated that "spontaneous buying" increased her stores sales 25% since the theater opened. The idea to maintain a flow of purchasing foot traffic from the Plaza to the theater was a success. And the redevelopment face-lift showed the economic prosperity of the Plaza as originally planned. Fred Bruning, Senior Vice President of Compton, was enthusiastic about the Plaza's success, "The area has really come back alive." By Christmas 1995, the Plaza was 95% full. This was the "highest rates for occupancy for Southern California malls.
This Plaza, plus the theater, attract people from all over Southern California, San Bernardino, and Orange County. It is a community focal point because residents have returned to shopping at the Plaza. Euro-American customers shop here from outside the ir area. The Plaza is the "place to be" (Cardenas D1).
Magic Johnson has also bought the Santa Barbara Plaza just west of the theaters across Marlton Avenue, a once small fashionable outdoor mall that has now turned seedy. Boutiques, realtors, and restaurants filled this mall and reflected the posh ambiance of the community. But, Johnson's eagerness to improve the community has caused a few ripples for the older businesses that have remained in the mall. They are angered by the redevelopment and high rent which will hinder their ability to compete. The CRA Review Meeting that was held on February 6, 1997 allowed me, first hand, to hear a variety of opinions which were directed toward the MJDC.
Visibility was the key at the meeting; however the MJDC did not attend the meeting. Magic Johnson and his backers, referred to as "other entities," did not want to be monitored by the community. It gave the opinion that they were in control and that any negative response from the community was irrelevant. The property had been purchased, the CRA was again monitoring the project, and there would not be any need for debate. Those who attended the meeting were disturbed by the MJDC's lack of representation but individuals did express the desire to know the following: Who are the "other entities" collaborating in this project? Will MJDC build an annexed theater plus parking? Will the Plaza structure be indoor/outdoor with attractive landscape? What type of stores are MJDC courting to buy retail space? Will there be an answer for the existing businesses to stay at an economic price?
All of this rose out of the meeting without an answer. Mostly those that spoke were well wishers but were curiou :s regarding what was happening to their neighborhood. They were using their opinions as a monitoring tool, like Hutchinson, to voice their likes and dislikes about the redevelopment project; however, their numbers were few. For example, a woman "asked" if the MJDC could negotiate with Chuck E. Cheese Restaurant to open in the Santa Barbara Plaza, because she had to drive all the way to "God's country" to find one for her children. When she said it she rolled her eyes and gestured her hand up in the air, in a northern direction. Everyone chuckled and understood clearly what she meant (Participant).
The existing business owners have formed a small group and sent out letters to the board members of the CRA and the MJDC. Of course, they were not received. The established business group is very weak and did not 7know the latest information to make a strong stand at the meeting. They truly looked foolish and it is apparent that they will be decimated by the Goliath forces of the two opposing redevelopment groups. However, their discontent is real. It was stated that the CRA had mailed out letters and questionnaires to establish businesses in the infancy of the redevelopment project; however, it appears that some were excluded (Participant). This small group of established businesses were excluded for some unknown reason and will not be a part of the redevelopment project. Therefore, they will suffer mental humiliation for not participating with the other so-called acceptable established businesses and their opportunity for increased profit gains and recognition has been lost. The possible reasons for exclusion are the following: The type of businesses that they are operating, and the low profit margin generated as compared with the others; their lack of initiative to get on the band wagon early and campaign to be one of the first to be on the redevelopment list. One business is the "Flying Fox" restaurant and bar. The owner was the representative of the excluded group at the meeting. His business has been in operation for over 20 years and is noted for having great steak dinners plus entertainment. However, the building has seen better days. It has been painted but it still has an appearance of disrepair. Another business was a lingerie store. The owner was outspoken about the slide presentation and wanted the CRA to photograph the better side of the Santa Barbara Plaza. She was excluded from participating in the redevelopment (Participant) . Perhaps her business is a conflict of interest to Victoria Secret inside the Baldwin Plaza or a new store will be built close to her store. Whatever the reasons in these cases, David will not slay Goliath. The MJDC have their own plans and big established companies are who they will bring in to fill their new retail stores.
Also during the meeting and referring back to the slide presentation of the Santa Barbara Plaza, the CRA was trying to show and justify the "state of blight" in the area (ACRP 15). It gave the impression that the entire area was burned out with a deteriorated parking lot. If you did not live or at least driven through the area, you would not know that there is a pleasant section that was not burned out. The lingerie boutique owner, as stated above made a request to the city council members that the CRA photograph this area to give a balanced image. She felt that the "state of blight" did not encompass the entire plaza. The city council agreed with her and made a suggestion to the CRA to make the slide presentati on "nonbaised." A subtle excuse was made defending the existing slide presentation but they did agree to change it for the next meeting.
The "blighted" area shown in the slide presentation will receive a facade budget. I assume these established businesses were made acceptable by the CRA and are not a part of MJDC project. They will each receive a loan/grant of $25,000 (ACRP 10). The money will be used only for a facade face-lift and will be monitored by the CRA. This was arranged to encourage new businesses into the area. They are receiving a tepid response from new businesses. The MJDC will again be the key to financial success as it was in the case of the Plaza.
The CRA, itself, had made updated comments during the meeting regarding the Crenshaw Plaza. The most important comments were to Macy's Department Store. It is evident that they do not wish to stay in the Plaza, because the owners of Macy's, the Federated Department Stores, the owners of the Plaza, Alexander Haagen, and the CRA have not come to a final agreement. A representative was not sent to the meeting from Macy's or Federated Department Stores. Alexander Haagen sent a representative who was very concerned about the final agreement, but he could not give any definite answer to the public.
The memorandum dated February 6, 1997 states that the CRA and the city council members approved the loan agreement for the Federated Department Stores to purchase the Broadway. This was done for the sole purpose of maintaining a large department store in the Plaza. The two department stores at the corners of Crenshaw Boulevard and Martin Luther King Boulevard are the focal points of the Plaza and are needed to encourage business and upgrade the community. The loan conditions stipulate that Macy's will be committed to operate a first rate store and stay as a part of the Plaza for a least three years. This was agreeable to Macy's and they paid three million dollars in "new merchandise" (CRA/Memorandum 1).
There were two issues from the report that were key issues at the meeting. The first issue was how long will Macy's really stay at the Plaza and the second issue was the quality of merchandise and better customer service. No one could actually answer the first question, because a Macy's representative did not come to the meeting. However, a hot debate ensued about the quality of merchandise in the store at the present. According to the final (unsigned) contract, Macy's is to "upgrade or give first rate quality merchandise" that was to match the quality of their other stores. Of course, this has not happened yet. "First rate service" was also a part of the final contract and specific language has been provided in the contract to receive the requested type of service that the public is complaining about (Participant). Also, my neighbor, Mrs. Kimble, made a comment during her interview that the newspaper sale advertisements from Macy's never have these sale items at the Crenshaw Plaza. She, therefore, has to drive comple tely out of her area to buy a dress on sale and her money is spent outside of her neighborhood.
Macy's is stereotyping Baldwin Hills because of its predominant race and past violent events. This is despite the fact that the Plaza was not touched during the riots and is truly very secure, inside and outside. Macy's does not wish to invest in an Afro-American community and hire Afro-American employees, especially Afro-American males. Their visibility is small as employees. It is all stereotyping. Afro-American males are "lazy, lack a good work ethic, are ineducable, and perhaps more importantly, they are dangerous." This was stated in an essay written by Oliver, Johnson, and Farrell from "Reading Rodney, Reading Urban Uprising." Afro-American males are considered not worth the time to hire; they are not a quality labor force (132-5). This is a sad state of affairs for everyone involved. It is a tactic of the "the System" to further destroy South Central Los Angeles.
The only suggestion given by the city council members in answering this problem was a community letter campaign to encourage Macy's to follow through and finalize the agreement. Therefore, the community will be using their resources, as a great example of monitoring activity within their community, to empower themselves along with their elected leadership, the 8th District's Councilman, Mark Ridley-Thomas, to force Macy's to deal with the problem of equality.
Social services abound in this community. One of them has been developed specifically for this area by direct order from Governor Pete Wilson, in 1992. This information came from an interview with Lillian Conroe, who is the Assistant Director of Community Redevelopment Center (i.e., the CRC). She stated that the purpose of this center is to assist old and new businesses to grow and to compete successfully in the Greater Los Angeles area. But, the statistical success rates for these businesses years from now are hard to predict. Will these businesses, through state assistants, still exist? They could be involved in a "Catch 22" dilemma. The CRC can help them, but if a bigger and more powerful entity comes along, will they be able to empower themselves to find solutions? They could be gobbled up like the small business owners at the Santa Barbara Plaza. The two other established social services are the Urban League and the Baldwin Hills Chamber of Commerce. These agencies are receptive to the community needs; however, the larger issues loom big before them. The Urban League serves over one hundred thousand people. Forty percent of its constituents are Latinos. The remainder are Afro-Americans. All of them went to the League to prepare for better employment. Funding poured into the League after the 1992 riots to keep employment enrichment programs active. Fund raising is their major focus and their reasons are legitimate for doing this. Yet their focus upon raising money shadows their concerns about affirmative action. They need to bring to light the need to organize for lobbying and take to the streets. They need the community to help do this (Terry M3). Latinos are using the media to voice and visibly get known their grievances with the state. Why can not Afro-Americans as an ethnicity, as a community? The Baldwin Hills Chamber of Commerce was able to take advantage of a CRA loan and upgrade their office location. This gave them better accessibility to the community. Yet they are out in the community, in small groups, picking up trash and are disillusioned when five minutes later the trash is back on the ground (Participant). Through monitoring, as a community, a campaign should begin to clean the neighborhood. It could be organized through the Chamber. After the 1992 riots, people from all over the city came to help clean South Central and other areas, hit by the destruction. An attitude change needs to come about. The community needs to clean its own section of Los Angeles. Then, the Chamber can address their commitment to community outreach in a larger scope, not only in the business sector, but also its social problems. They are striving to open doors of communication to the entire community and to make this area, Baldwin Hills, a positive productive community (Baldwin Hills Chamber of Commerce Brochure). They need this in order for their goals to be met.
What will the future bring?
The historic changing events brought forth an evolution of people's need for monitoring. During the development of Baldwin Hills the actual use of monitoring, especially for minorities, did not come into view until after the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s. Before this time, Euro-Americans were using this tool to segregate to its fullest results. Today, everyone can see a signal to voice grievances and make changes in a cooperative way, for example, through voting. Latinos have used voting to empower themselves. Afro-Americans are concentrating on the wrong issues and are lagging behind. But a question develops from this idea, "What can be done to incite Baldwin Hills, as a part of South Central, to take action without violence?" The poor are mentally poverty stricken. The middle class do not have the economic backing to pull themselves up: Some are as out of touch with what is really going on as much as the poor. People don't have faith in their own power to make changes; therefore, it can be a hopeless cause.
For example, a signal for monitoring and a reason for open discussion is a biracial coalition being developed by the Westside Jewish community and the East Los Angeles Latino community. They are choosing a mayoral candidate for the next election. Raphael Sonenshein, author and lecturer, raised this issue in my English 103 class on April 15, 1997. He further stated that in the last election Latinos are empowering themselves by becoming citizens and voting. The percentage of Latino voters increased. Afro-Americans voting percentage was low. In East Los Angeles, they did not riot. They kept their cool. They used this as away to empower their community, also (Oliver, Johnson, and Farrell 131). The Westside Jewish community saw this as a strength to get things done for minorities. Afro-Americans were stepped over.
In the Vermont Corridor section of South Central State Senator, Diane Watson, is fearful of the influx of Latinos into her district. Her constituents, like herself, are older and have lived in this area for a long time. Why is she missing the bigger issue? Why isn't she promoting a coalition of all races within her community? Latinos and Afro-Americans have power. If the barrier between competition for employment and housing could be resolved between the two ethnic groups, a major coalition could be organized (121). The signal for monitoring exists and open discussion needs to begin. The opportunity need not be lost.
Other examples are the redevelopment programs and private entrepreneurs, and "other entities" that ease out small businesses who cannot compete. This is similar to the laissez-faire idea of business stated previously in the text. But this form of laissez-faire is a result of "conservative policy making" (124-130). These larger businesses are buying large amounts of land and developing them. They are touted by the CRA, the CRC, and the City of Los Angeles--mainly for their economic base. They can afford to buy, develop, and withstand any calamity from the outside environment, even a full scale riot from South Central. The implication is that, if the latter should occur again, the larger businesses could rebuild themselves but the "Rebuild Los Angeles" program may not happen again in South Central.
However, the infrastructure was never healed internally by any of these programs (124). It was a way to physically face-lift the hardest hit communities and not solve the real problems. Land development made the larger businesses rich, but what South Central needs is humanization. Yet it `will not happen because Euro-Americans would have to rub elbows with minorities, especially Afro-Americans. And that is the signal for monitoring in South Central: Their being left out and stepped over. The community and its social services need to make a stand, but how to bring that about is a problem. There is a lot of internal division. But what a great opportunity to use monitoring as a tool to empower those who need not be left out and in fact must actively participate in the changing events of the community. But, why are Afro-Americans not motivated to improve conditions, like Latinos? They should take to the streets and march in protest against any issue that creates obstacles for their agenda in a non-violent manner and openly discuss these issues with everyone involved. In this way, the desires of their agenda can be met, and they can learn to empower themselves against the redevelopment surge that takes control of their community and continues to dehumanize them. =
.
Works Cited
Almaguer, Tomas. Raci al Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy in California. Berkeley: UC Berkeley, 1994.
Baldwin Hills Chamber of Commerce. Membership Brochure. 1997.
Braxton, Greg. "Magic's Name on the Marquee." Los Angeles Times. 29 July 1995.: F1.
California Redevelopment Agnecy (CRA). Amended Crenshaw Redevelopment Project (ACRP). 6 Feb. 1997.
CRA. Memorandum #2. By John E. Molloy. Los Angeles. 1997.
California Revitalization Center (CRC): Brochure. Los Angeles Revitalization Center (CRC). 1993.
Cardenas, Jose. "Magic Show: Fans Flock to Laker's Legend's Movie Complex." Los Angeles Times. 6 Nov. 1995: D1.
Conroe, Lillian. Personal Inteview. 21 Jan. 1997.
Crenshaw: A Community on the Mo ve. Los Angeles: CRA.
Davis, Mike. City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles. New York: Vintage Books, 1992.
French, Virginia. Rancho La Cienega O Passo La Tijera. Los Angeles: J. D. Roche, 1970.
Hutchinson, Earl Ofari. "Thanks for the Theaters, Magic, but Why Such Nasty Security ?". Los Angeles Times. 15 July 95: B5.
Jackson, Mildred. Personal Interview. 17 Jan. 1997.
Kimble, Mary. Personal Interview. 17 Jan. 1997.
Moss, George Donelson. America in the Twentieth Century. 2nd ed. Engelwood Cliffs: Prentice Hill, 1993.
Murder, Money, and Mexico. Frontline. PBS. 8 Apr. 1997.
Oliver, Melvin L., Johnson Jr., James H., and Farrell Jr., Walter C. "Anatomy of a Rebel lion." Reading Rodney King, Reading Urban Uprising. Ed. Robert Gooding-Williams. New York: Rutledge, 1993. 121-135.
Omi, Michael and Winant, Howard. "The Los Angeles Race Riot and Contemporary U. S. Politics." Reading Rodney King, Reading Urban Uprising. Ed. Robert Gooding-Williams. New York: Rutledge, 1993. 101.
Participant. CRA Review Meeting Notes. Good Shephard Methodist Church. 6 Feb. 1997.
Sonenshein, Raphael. English 103 Lecture Notes. LACC. 15 Apr. 1997.
Terry, Gayle Pollard. "John Mack: Fighting for Affirmative Action, Urban League Takes off the Gloves." Los Angeles Times. 16 July 1995: M3.
Workman, Boyle. The City That Grew. [USA]: n.p., n.d., N. pag.